Conditions for school success of young people from marginalized Roma communities (MRC) in Slovakia - Looking for Positive Deviance practices (2012-2015)

Executive summary

Mgr. Estera Kövérová, PhD.

Slovak Academy of Sciences and Comenius University, Bratislava, Slovakia

 In our research we applied the Positive Deviance approach (Marsh, Schroeder, Dearden, Sternin, and Sternin, 2004) and tried to find out which conditions and circumstances in life stories of young people from marginalized Roma communities (MRC) are supportive and lead to success in formal education. In Slovakia there is an ethnic minority of Romas counting around 300-500 thousand citizens, approximately a half of who live in segregated communities with extremely low housing and hygiene standards, extremely low socio-economic status, mostly unemployed, majority of whom finish (if) primary education and only episodically there are young Romas who finish secondary education.

Research sample

Main target group of our research are ten successful young people from marginalized Roma communities (MRC). We applied the Positive Deviance approach (Marsh, Schroeder, Dearden, Sternin, and Sternin, 2004) and accepted these youngsters as positive deviants, because they succeed in formal education, attend high school or reached graduation in spite of being exposed to extremely unfavourable conditions. In our research sample there were further twenty nine high-school teachers (including directors) from three different high-schools in the Eastern part of Slovakia. Two of the schools were vocational and one medical school. It was because most of the Roma communities are located in the Eastern part of Slovak Republic. Moreover in our research took part also seven elementary-school teachers from four primary schools (situated also mostly in the Eastern part of Slovakia. Concerning the students participating in our research five high-school students and five alumni of high-schools were included, accompanied by their relatives and their class teachers from schools mentioned above. The youngsters were from seven Roma communities: one community was from capital city Bratislava (Western part of Slovakia), one community from Central Slovakia and another five were from Eastern part of Slovakia. Three social workers allocated to the respective Roma communities were also part of our research sample. Data collection yielded alltogether sixty-one in-depth interviews. The structure of our research sample allows us to see a comprehensive picture of contexts and conditions, and in particular, strategies enabling educational success.

Results

The main finding is that we were able to identify positive deviance (PD) at various levels – PD schools, PD teachers, PD Roma life-trajectories and families.

High-schools’ PD determinants and burdens

In the first part of our research we analysed three high-schools (situated in Eastern parts of Slovakia) - we consider them as “positive deviant systems” due to their ability to enable educational success of young people from MRC. This PD system consists of three categories: (1) empowering educational expectations towards Roma students  - instead of doubting them due to their poor living conditions, (2) the language (discourse) they use when they talk about Roma children (inclusive vs. discriminative), and (3) relationship between Roma and non-Roma cultivated by actors in the educational interactions. This PD capacity we could identify mainly in the secondary medical school, in contrast to vocational schools.

Medical school have lower percentage of students from MCR. Teachers use words “we don´t distinguish” or “we don´t differentiate” when they answer the question about differences between Roma and non-Roma students. They approach in the same way Roma and non-Roma and neglect their specificities. In contrast, at vocational schools with higher percentage of Roma students, teachers talk about differences between Roma and non-Roma and take into account insufficient living conditions of young people from MRC. Also, their language is different. Teachers at medical school don´t use discriminative labels (they are rather politically correct), in contrast to teachers at vocational schools where they frequently use pejorative stereotypical labels to mark young people from MRC. Here friendly relationships between Roma and non-Roma do not exist - students mostly don´t know and don´t like each other.  

In the next section, we focused on systematic actions of secondary schools towards youngsters from MRC. We could identify just two systematic actions at vocational schools: financial subsidy for language-learning textbooks and making the wearing of expensive protective clothing not obligatory. Both of these actions regard financial issues. Along with it we identified only episodic individual actions of some teachers towards the Roma students – a somehow “tricky” justification of absences from classes in case that family don’t have enough money to cover student’s travel expenses, helping students with their homework (spending time with them at school after classes), adapting (decreasing) expectations concerning student’s performance according to their learning capacity, using elements of Roma language, using participatory instead of repressive approaches, and behaving “friendly” - talking with them about their needs, interests, feelings (including topics of intimate relationships and sexuality).    

Unfortunately, we also observed segregation tendencies at vocational schools – these schools are divided into separate study programs – “studying” programme (with graduation - diploma) and diverse practical learning programmes (without graduation – certificate, thus not allowing the student further study at university); a significantly higher percentage of students from MRC was studying the “non-graduation” programmes.    

Individual life-trajectories, families, and PD determinants

Following the PD methodology we also tried to identify similarities in life stories of young Roma from segregated environment that might have affected their educational success.

Interviews suggested that social ties play a crucial role for school success of young Roma people. Majority of our students-participants, as well as their parents, have good relationships with people from the majority society. Relationships with non-Roma peers in the integrated environment were supportive for their high school study performance. It seems that these relationships can “substitute” weak inclusion-policies in schools in Slovakia. Students with “pilot” inclusion experiences, do not feel alienated in the social network of the high-school, where most of their classmates are non-Roma, and they establish new relationships with their non-Roma classmates easier. They also spend their leisure time in community centres or schools - doing, some sport activities, especially football, or hanging out with their Roma or non-Roma friends.

Interviews suggest that another crucial role in school success of young people from MRC played Slovak language as mother tongue or acquiring Slovak language (i.e. the “state” language in which education is conducted in Slovakia) before starting to attend elementary school (parents of these children have presumably a kind of targeted strategy - teach their children both Roma and Slovak language, or teach them just Slovak because Slovak is the language towards education). Another individual PD determinant was enrolment in preschool education.

Motivation to study well in our Roma participants was mostly saturated by their desire “not to live like their parents” or “leave the community”. They reject their identification with the Roma community.

In the Roma families of our PD participants there are exact rules (not included in traditional Roma social norms) and parents were consistent at following these rules: parents talk with them about their future but they are just quiet listeners – they do not prescribe them what should they do, what school or profession they should choose. Nevertheless they consider education important and they try to motivate and show their children this value (learn with them, shepherd them to school).

Young PD Romas find ways how to manage their time between houseworks, taking care of their younger siblings and doing homeworks. Often, parents do not burden them with (otherwise normative) taking care of younger siblings.

In life-stories of these successful young people often appears an important person from outside of the community – a social worker, priest or teacher – a kind of “buddy” stimulating their motivation and guiding them into setting goals.

References:

David R Marsh, Dirk G Schroeder, Kirk A Dearden, Jerry Sternin, Monique Sternin (2004) The power of positive deviance.  BMJ, vol 329, 13 November 2004, pp 1177-1179.

Positive deviant story of young man from marginalized Roma community

Educational level among Roma minority is much lower compared to the majority of the population and in most of the cases doesn't reach secondary education. In spite of that, there are individuals from segregated Roma settlements that are able to overcome this social problem and be successful in the system of formal education. This is a story of a young man, who had been studding social work – master´s degree when I first met him. Currently he is director of a community centre in the Roma settlement, where he grew up. So, he has decided to stay and help Roma people from his community to overcome obstacles connected with formal education and other social problems.  

Education: Participant graduated from vocational school. After secondary school, he studied social work at university. He was the oldest child of five. His sister got married and prematurely terminated her high school study, his brother was attending special high school, because he couldn't finish primary school since the principal did not open ninth class. Other sister attended elementary school, and the youngest one was preschool age. His parents never finished high school. The only member of the family, who graduated from high school, except the participant, was his grandfather. Participant never went to nursery, because during his preschool age it was closed and there was no community centre, which substitute preschool education. Reason for the nursery being closed was disagreements between school principal and the Vajda (non-official major of Roma community).

There was no class for ninth year students, in primary school attended only by Roma students, because the principal simply didn´t allow it. She claimed that Romas wouldn´t finish it anyway. According to other citizens, she was afraid of low scoring in monitoring tests, which are usually carried out during ninth school year. Due to this fact they never finished primary school in proper grade and because of this it was impossible for young people from this Roma community to carry on with their study in ordinary high school as complete primary education is required. Their only option was a special high school. The ninth-year class was opened only once, when the participant studied there. Reason for this was, according to the participant’s teacher, that the participant and his classmates possessed knowledge and skills allowing them to finish ninth grade. Young man could properly finish elementary school, and that significantly moved him forward and created the opportunity for him to study in regular high school. “Well, these kids (says the teacher about participant’s class) I took care of them for seven years. There were no excuses… And then eight, ninth (grade)… Then suddenly came this young teacher who teach Slovak language and then we knew, they will attend the ninth grade… Participant claims, that his parents never forced him to be a good student, or to continue study on high school. He found the motivation within himself, but once he decided to study, they supported him. He is aware that education is crucial, especially for Roma population. “But off course it is… (he answers my question, if education is important) I think especially for Romas, because nowadays once Romas graduate from high school, it is not enough, we need more.”

Language: When the participant first came to elementary school, his Slovak language skills were fair, because his mother spoke to him Slovak since he was three years old. This was her deliberate strategy; she applied on all her kids. During early years of their lives, mother spoke to her children Romany, because she is proud of Roma nationality and finds it important, however from their age of three, she taught them Slovak, because she was aware of the advantage, it offered at the beginning of their formal education. This strategy seems to be one of the key elements on participants’ road to success at school.

Economic conditions and household: Participant grew up and lived in separated part of a small town situated in northern part of eastern Slovakia. Father worked as a member of a home defence, mother was unemployed, grandfather used to work as a community worker in community centre. He motivated young man to attend community centre. Grandfather had a great impact on participant, he basically raised him.

Participant comes from better situated family. As the social worker says: “Their house was in better condition, not just one room, but everybody had their own. XY had his own room, nevertheless he comes from five siblings I guess.” Participant says: “When I went to primary school, we didn't have our own rooms, but it changed when I went to high school. Our parents had a very small house at the beginning, because we were just small kids, well and yes, after we started to grow bigger...Our parents were considering moving, maybe that's why they were waiting with that reconstruction. And then, when I went to high school, they decided to rebuild our house much bigger.” From the mentioned it follows, that participant had his own space for doing homework, when he studies at secondary school. According to his own words, he didn't have to prepare for school at home, when he was attending elementary school, because what he learnt during classes was enough. Participant: “In elementary school it was like I didn't study at home every day, because I knew all that stuff….” Even according to his teacher, he did not need to study at home: “I didn't give him any homework, it wasn't necessary, even his handwriting was neat.” Because participant did not usually get into trouble, his parents didn't need to visit his school very often.

Social network: Since elementary school, participant interfered with young people from majority. At first, he met one member of his group, who introduced him to other members. He claimed that he always had more non-Roma than Roma friends. Social worker from the community and his grandfather played a big role in expansion of participants’ social network. Social worker says: “On high school he started some very strong friendships. What pushed him so much further, was his relationships with white people. This gave him a lot.” Relationship with the minority population was very important, too. For example, his cousin was his classmate at secondary school - so he wasn't in class alone. Support from other community members was essential. “Very positive (social worker answers my question, what was the responses of other people from the community to that participant started to attend high school), because when XY went to high school, many kids were like, they wanted to be like him.”  They were interested about his exams results, high school or university graduation. Participant: “When I graduated from high school, people kept asking me, did you do it or not, same thing with university graduation.” It appears that this successful young man works as a role model for other young people from the community.

Personality: Participant´s personal characteristics also played important part in his success. According to his teacher from elementary school, he was very talented and had excellent memory. Also, his tenacity and fact that he didn’t get discouraged was important. After he started to attend high school, in the first grade, in class with only non-Romas, he felt insecure, he even wanted to get reassigned to an easier training branch without graduation. Participant says: “Well, you know, nine years you are somewhere with Romas and then you come to an unfamiliar environment.” Grandfather: “It was kinda difficult, because when we sent him to high school, we knew how insecure he felt, at the first we decided for difficult training program, so he went for marketing worker and then he chose masonry and came home crying, that he didn’t want to went there, because guys there were idiots.” As result he got reassigned back to his original program. This shows us, how difficult it is for Roma from segregated environment, to appear in training program with predominance of majority students. Participant said: “High school wasn't easy cause you don´t know the people, you don't know what you can dare, you don't know what knowledge level they are compared to you. Because I went to Roma (school), you know. So yeah, maybe the beginning was bit harder.”

Family education: The existence of rules is clearly present in upbringing and also consistency in complying with them, but also freedom given to children by participant´s parents. The relationship between parents and children seems to be very close. Social worker: “The strictness from parents, but also their friendliness, was something I appreciated the most, not just commands, but also king words from them.” Grandfather: “XYs´ father always told him, if you wanna go somewhere, just let me know. If you get in trouble, just let me know and we´ll sort that out.” Mother took care of most of the family business, she had the main word, she was the dominant one in parent´s relationship. Participant doesn't quite agree with this model of redistribution of power, he wished that he and his wife solved all the problems together.

Partnership and sexuality: Partnership and sexuality in participant´s life was strongly influenced by Christian religion. Participant had several partners before, but he also experienced relationships without sexual intercourse. He already experienced first sex, he knows how to protect himself and he´s also protecting himself, but from our dialogue is not clear how. Parents are not talking to him about sexuality. To prevent premature conception, control over kids was used such as, they must not be outside very late, or other rules. Social worker: “No for Romas is kinda taboo to talk to parents about that (sexuality)” They also spoke about sexuality at the community centre, in the frame of Christian religion. Young Romas were taught how to protect themselves through Billings method, which is the only anti conception method recognized by church, but according to Pearl´s index it´s unreliable.

Important persons: Participant spent most of his free time in community centre, where he established important relationship with social worker, who motivated young man to study on high school and later on university. In addition to that after graduating from university he even tried to hire him at the community centre.  

Conclusion: What is behind the school success of this young man? First of all, it is systematic element - reopening the ninth grade of elementary school. Second of all particular personal characteristics played a role. These characteristics helped him overcome obstacles in formal education. And there were for instance good memory, tenacity and ability to overcome fear and insecurity. Important seems to be relationships with members of a major population but also support from the community - for example participant attended secondary school with his cousin. Research revealed a connection between school success and strategy of a mother learning her kids Slovak since they were three years old. There were two important persons in participant´s life - a social worker and his grandfather – who also contribute to school success of this young man.